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Drug addiction is a widely misunderstood condition. The timeless nature versus nurture debate is often brought up when discussing drug dependence. Is addiction a mental illness or a consequence of poor lifestyle choices? Are some people more susceptible to becoming addicts than others? The answers to these questions boils down to the analysis of genes and whether their roles influence drug addiction. Research from the National Institute on Drug Abuse in 2013 shows that most drug addictions begin under eighteen years of age, and drug use is highest among those in their late teens or early twenties. As a young adult, these statistics are frightening. Understanding more about the science behind addiction can help researchers and healthcare providers develop the tools they need to prevent drug addiction and rehabilitate those who are suffering everyday. A 2017 study published in Scientific Reports titled, “Association of the PLCB1 Gene with Drug Dependence” explores the genetic risk factors behind addiction.

The article begins by introducing the idea that the scientific community understands that addiction has some level of heritability, but the specific genetic risk factors involved remain unknown. They also mention the findings of other relevant studies, including the importance of microRNAs (miRNAs) in psychological disorders like drug dependence. MiRNAs, as described in the article, are noncoding RNA molecules in the central nervous system that modify gene expression by binding to mRNAs and causing mRNA degradation. The studies mentioned essentially show that individuals with some level of drug dependence either have up-regulated or altered miRNAs in the frontal lobe, the part of the brain responsible for cognitive processes and decision-making. Other studies mentioned discuss single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and their role in altering the binding process between miRNA and mRNA. Based on this prior research, the scientists began their examination of the role of miRNA and SNPs in drug addiction. Their main hypothesis was that certain SNPs alter the gene expression produced by miRNA and mRNA binding, and influences an individual’s susceptibility to drug addiction.

The subjects for the experiment were patients from a psychiatric hospital in Barcelona who have been diagnosed with substance dependence, 73.5% of which were addicted to cocaine. Controls were recruited as well, giving them a total of 735 patients and 739 controls to work with. They started by isolating DNA samples from all subjects. Then, they located SNPs in target genes that they predicted would alter miRNA and mRNA binding, using Kompetitive Allele Specific PCR (KASP) technology. Additionally, they decided to test the effect of cocaine usage on the expression of the PLCB1 gene by examining gene expression of cocaine users with quantitative PCR.

They ended up finding significant associations in gene frequencies of seven different genes associated with these SNPs. They ran the same test again with another sample of individuals, and found that two of the seven genes once again had SNPs that were significantly associated. However, upon analyzing both the patient samples and control samples, only one SNP on the PLCB1 gene was found to be significantly associated with drug dependence. Any associations they found were tested with statistical analysis, including nonparametric tests and comparison to Hardy-Weinberg Equilibrium, to ensure statistically significant p values of <0.05. Additionally, they discovered that the PLCB1 gene was up-regulated in cocaine users.The PLCB1 gene is expressed in the brain and influences cognition and emotion. Their research shows that a particular SNP on the PLCB1 gene is associated with drug dependence, and that this gene exhibits a higher level of expression when the individual is using cocaine, further proving that the gene is linked to addiction. However, they were unsuccessful in proving that this particular SNP played a part in miRNA and mRNA binding, which was their original prediction.

There is no reason to reject these findings since all data is credible and ethically obtained. The researchers explicitly state their methods of data collection and provide statistical analysis for every claim made. Any background information or data used from other studies is accurately cited and an ethics statement is provided.

As mentioned in the discussion section of the study, this is the first time the role of SNPs in miRNA and mRNA binding and its association with drug dependence was ever experimentally tested. Although they couldn’t prove this association, they did confirm that the PLCB1 gene plays a significant role in drug addiction. Studies like these are incredibly important in understanding the mechanisms behind addiction. Although they couldn’t prove the original hypothesis, their research provides evidence against a possible genetic cause of drug dependence. They also succeeded in narrowing down a single gene variation present in individuals diagnosed with drug dependence, confirming previous studies. The knowledge in regards to genetics and drug dependence is constantly changing, and any information is beneficial in compiling a bigger picture of addiction. If a comprehensive record of genes and gene variants associated with addiction is collected, treatments can be created to potentially modify the activity of these genes.

This information not only impacts the scientific community, but contributes to the societal effort to understand and treat addiction. Addiction is complex with a large variety of causes. Because of this, scientists will never be able to find a single “addiction gene”. An individual may have multiple genes that are associated with addiction, but never become an addict. On top of genetic influence, it is well-known that drug use and addiction is strongly regulated by environmental factors. The complicated nature of this condition is what makes it so difficult to pinpoint any single cause or combination of factors that could lead a person to being dependent on drugs. However, when scientific research like this study is published, the public has access to getting a more complete picture of addiction. This allows people to make informed claims and could potentially de-stigmatize addiction. If society can clearly comprehend the multi-faceted nature of addiction, efforts to prevent and treat it may be more successful. Studies like this provide more insight to the genetic components of drug dependence so that personalized preventative medicine and/or treatments can be developed.

In King Lear, the recurring images of sight and blindness associated with the characters of Lear and Gloucester illustrate the theme of self-knowledge and consciousness that exist in the play.

These classic tropes are inverted in King Lear, producing a situation in which those with healthy eyes are ignorant of what is going on around them, and those without vision appear to "see" the clearest. While Lear's "blindness" is one which is metaphorical, the blindness of Gloucester, who carries the parallel plot of the play, is literal. Nevertheless, both characters suffer from an inability to see the true nature of their children, an ability only gained once the two patriarchs have plummeted to the utter depths of depravity. Through a close reading of the text, I will argue that Shakespeare employs the plot of Gloucester to explicate Lear's plot, and, in effect, contextualizes Lear's metaphorical blindness with Gloucester's physical loss of vision.

When the audience is first introduced to Lear, he is portrayed as a raging, vain old man who can not see the purity of his daughter Cordelia's love for him from the insincerity of her sisters Goneril and Regan. In his fiery rage after disowning Cordelia, Lear commands to Kent, "Out of my sight!" (1.1.156). Kent fittingly implores the aging king to "See better, Lear; and let me still remain / The true blank of thine eye" (1.1.157-8). Kent recognizes love in its most noble form in the person of Cordelia, and is able to see through the hypocrisy of Lear's other two daughters. In beseeching Lear to "[s]ee better," Kent is, in effect, asking Lear to look beyond his vanity and inward pride to see the honesty of Cordelia, who refuses to put her love for her father on show.

From the very first act of the play, then, Shakespeare has set up the theme of consciousness, using the metaphor of sight. Kent's imperative to "see better" is prompting Lear not to use his faculty of vision, but, metaphorically, to become conscious of what is going on around him; to see the world as it truly is. It is fascinating that, upon Kent's imperative, Lear swears, "Now, by Apollo-" (1.1.159). As Apollo is the god of the sun whose maxim is to "know thyself," it is particularly telling that Lear is invoking the god associated with sharpness of vision and light, when he, himself, remains unenlightened. The unrelenting Kent, recognizes Lear's blindness as well as the futility of invoking the god of self-knowledge, and, despite the king's growing anger, declares, "Thou swear'st thy gods in vain" (1.1.161).

The theme of consciousness is underscored by the Gloucester plot in King Lear. Gloucester, like Lear, is an aging man who has yet to learn the true nature of his children. In this way, he shares Lear's metaphorical blindness, but Shakespeare does not stop there; he adds the physical impairment of vision to Gloucester's character as well. It is mentioned that Gloucester requires the need of "spectacles" in order to read the fabricated letter his son Edmund presents to him. Ironically, even with the use of an instrument to heighten his vision, Gloucester is still unable to see things as they truly are. With no prior provocation, and hardly any "ocular" proof, Gloucester immediately believes that his legitimate son Edgar has formed a conspiracy against him.

Shakespeare heightens Gloucester's metaphoric blindness by casting him offstage during Lear's banishment of Cordelia. Thus, in this sense, Gloucester is blind onstage. If he were present, Gloucester would have been able to gain awareness of the insincerity of children, as illustrated by Goneril and Regan, and apply it to his own situation. Lear, who is onstage, lacks this awareness. Even the lord of France comments to Burgundy that "Love's not love / When it is mingled with regards that stands / Aloof from th' entire point" (1.1.239-241). France is essentially asserting that love is not love when one is just competing for a piece of land. Lear is onstage to hear these words, but he fails to see how this can be applied to his own situation.

The tragic descent of Lear into blindness begins shortly after transferring his power to his daughters. Lear becomes disoriented as early as Act 1.4 when he questions his identity in terms of sight: "Doth any here know me? This is not Lear. / Doth Lear walk thus? Speak thus? Where are his eyes?" (201-2). Lear is beginning to question his identity because he is no longer at the same place he was at the play's opening. He is beginning to see the true nature of his ungrateful daughters, and, as a result, his self has started to disintegrate, as he gradually delves into madness.

After being turned away yet again by his daughters, as they question his need for a train of knights, Lear exclaims, exasperated, "O, reason not the need! Our basest beggars / Are in the poorest thing superfluous. / Allow not nature more than nature needs, / Man's life's as cheap as beast's" (2.4.259-262). Here the parallel plot of the Gloucester comes into play, for Edgar, disguised as a beggar and stripped to his barest essentials, becomes emblematic of what Lear is articulating in the above speech. Lear, too, is stripped down: stripped of his sovereignty, his train, and respect from his daughters.

Through his wanderings and his experience on the heath, Lear learns to become a more sympathetic character. He is forced to ruminate upon the daily lives of the poor, commenting,

<blockquote

Poor naked wretches, whereso'er you are,

That bide the pelting of this pitiless storm,

How shall your houseless heads and unfed sides,

Your looped and windowed raggedness, defend you

From seasons such as these? O, I have ta'en

Too little care of this! Take physic, pomp;

Expose thyself to feel what wretches feel

That thou mayst shake the superflux to them,

And show the heavens more just. (3.4.29-37)

</blockquote

Thus, on the threshold of madness, Lear is able to focus on issues that he neglected as king. The once blind Lear is now gaining a limited sight.

Clearly, poor Tom is the physical character who represents the man Lear realizes he has ignored during his rule. It is also very interesting to note that it is only after Lear cries out in recognition of his ignorance, that he meets Poor Tom. Lear's humbling experiences have allowed him to truly recognize the human condition, and, in effect, becomes a more self-conscious figure.

Although Lear seems to be redeeming himself through self-awareness, the plot of Gloucester remains one step behind. Unlike Lear, Gloucester does not even begin to question his understanding of the events going on around him until at the end of Act III. Gloucester, although portrayed in this play as a man accompanied with spectacles in Act I, and a torch in Act IV, he is lagging far behind in sight. It is only after Regan reveals that Edmund has betrayed him that he becomes undone. In a moment of recognition, Gloucester cries, "O my follies! Then Edgar was abused," but not before being robbed of both his eyes (3.7.94). Ironically, Gloucester only begins to "see" once he has lost his vision. However, this awakening to the truth comes too late, for Gloucester's former blindness to the truth has now been literalized in physical terms.

By the end of the play, Lear and Gloucester have become conscious and self-knowledgeable. Lear is able to "see" through a sympathetic lens, after having exchanged pride for shame, while Gloucester, who willingly admits that "[he] stumbled when [he] saw," is only able to "see," though sightless, after he has suffered (4.1.20). Gloucester is able to see how the world goes, "feelingly"; he can now see without eyes. It is through the inverted tropes of sight and blindness that the audience views Gloucester's and Lear's development to self-knowledge, as they become conscious of their own condition and that of the world around them. Undeniably, the plots of Lear and Gloucester run similar courses. However, Shakespeare employs Gloucester's plot to explicate Lear's plot. Through the physical blinding of Gloucester, Shakespeare provides an analog which contextualizes King Lear's theme of consciousness and allows Lear's own metaphorical blindness to be fully grasped.

Table of contents

1. Introduction
2. Deception
KinesicsNonverbal Communication
3. Conclusion

Introduction

Deception is best defined as an action that misleads by false appearance or state. Deception can alter the way we communicate by diminishing trust, loyalty, and respect from other individuals. In addition, deception could potentially alter our behavior and mannerisms while engaged in communication. While deception interferes with our communication, kinesics and our nonverbal gestures help to evoke confrontations. The relationships that we form are put in jeopardy by deception and kinesics (Burgoon, Schuetzler, Wilson, 2015). In this paper, the impact of kinesics and deception in nonverbal communication is examined. It is proposed that kinesic deception lies in various parts of our nonverbal behavior and communication. The following research studies will try to support that claim. According to Levine, Asada and Park (2006), truth tellers and liars carry on various patterns of nonverbal behavior. Liars have a tendency to use more hand gestures, adaptors, more pauses, more speech errors, and shorter talk durations than truth tellers. Emotions like guilt and fear can attempt to draw out deceivers and control our behavioral display. Deception has many nonverbal cues that act as signals when in conversation. Levine, Park, and Asada (2006) best define Nonverbal cues as evidence that people use to indicate whether or not someone maintains direct verbal translation. Deception theories and additional research suggest that nonverbal source behaviors verify judgments.

Deception

Park (2002) argued that deception couldn’t be detected at the time of a lie being told. This is based on the nonverbal behaviors of the person whose message is under scrutiny. This was tested when the park called for a research experiment where research participants would test their deception. In this experiment, 200 people are tasked with recalling lies. Once they were finished, they all had to complete a series of questions about the tools that they used to recall their lies. These participants had to include the circumstances of detection and the time that took to revisit the lies. The results showed that less than 2% of the recalled lies were detected at the time the lies were told. Deception is liable to be detected through a number of ways. Whether or not it is detected at the start of a lie or later in time varies by person.

Deception ranges from a number of nonverbal reactions. One of these happens in to be hand gestures. Researchers Caso, Maricchiolo, Bonaiuto, Vrij, Mann (2006) examine the relationships that we engage in through hand gestures and deception. These researchers found two key hand gestures to be a direct indication of deception. Illustrators modify anything being said, and Self Adapters that pose as gestures of self-contact that serves to satisfy self-needs. Interactions and conversations develop with liars and truth tellers. Illustrators display movements of discourse and dismay throughout a conversation. A brief example of an illustrator would be a wave of displeasure with food after eating near someone. Visually the hand gesture makes it appear as if the food is bad when in fact the person eating could be deceiving them. This is also visible in self-adaptors. To use the same example, lets say that the person isn’t waving their hand away from the food. Instead he picks it up and moves it around as if its gross or unappetizing. Both forms of hand gestures are directly tied to deception.

Self-Adaptors and Illustrators are not the only forms of hand gestures that tie in to deception. Ekman and Friesen (1969b) have three more distinguished categories of hand gestures. Other methods of gestures include emblems, regulator signals, and emotional displays. These methods also identify a form of communication called Kinesics. Emblems consist of conventional and cultural signs. An example of this would be the peace symbol with your index and middle finger. Regulator signals relate to how we control conversational flow. This can be done when public speakers are fidgeting with their hands throughout conversation. Emotional display simply connects emotional state expressions to our hand gestures. This can range anywhere from wiping away tears to pounding fists in frustration. There are many different hand gestures that tie into deception. Hand gestures can be major or minor based on the situation. Both liars and truth tellers have the ability to use hand gestures to convey deception.

Kinesics

Kinesics is best defined as the way in which we communicate through motion. This consists of facial expressions and gestures. Kinesics is a nonverbal act of communication. In terms of deception, this type of communication plays a significant role in everyday interactions. (Mann, Vrij, Leal et al., 2012) Eye contact has a connection to deception. Eye contact is more deliberate than it is traditional. Deliberate eye contact allows communication to expand for longer periods of time and trigger mixed emotions. In terms of deception, eye contact can be useful to liars and truth tellers. Kinesics enables nonverbal communication methods like eye contact to take its form.

To better understand kinesics and deception, we can revisit hand gestures. Vrij & Mann went on to give a more detailed view of hand gestures in their study. The actions that we tend to use with our hands give off a message that others perceive in various ways. These actions may range from snapping your fingers to pounding your fists. Emblems, Illustrators, Affect Displays, Regulators, and Adaptors are all applications to kinesics. Emblems act as a replacement for most words and various phrases. Illustrators reinforce all verbal messages. Affect Displays convey forms of emotion. Regulators deal with the flow of all communication. Adaptors primarily handle emotional and physical tension in communication. Through kinesic applications, our interactions with people tend to form. Actions like crossing your legs while sitting or even opening your legs can fall under one of the kinesic applications. Now more than ever, our body movement is shown as a sign of what kind of person we our. For example, Authoritative figures like Presidents and elected officials will be judged if they’re seen crossing arms, nodding heads, and waving their hands in an untimely fashion. Kinesics enables us to read body language and communicate either with a person directly, or without their presence being felt.

Nonverbal Communication

Nonverbal Communication is becoming one of the most widely used forms in today’s day and age. More closely, nonverbal communication allows us to prevent others from knowing exactly what we want them to know. According to DePaulo (2003), nonverbal communication enables more people to develop a tendency to lie. Nonverbal communication can carry a negative behavior that allows for deceptive cues to take place. Deceptive cues are actions that take place whenever an individual causes or uses deception in communication. These cues lead to tendencies such as less eye gazing, more posture shifts, and less smiling.

Our nonverbal behavior heavily impacts our communication. For example, two people engage in an argument. Instead of yelling when upset, the silent treatment gives off a new attitude. No longer would you have to yell to express any emotions to the other person. Nonverbal behavior acts as a buffer between emotions and how others perceive you. Another example would be if a girl is at a party and a boyfriend of a close friend kisses her on the cheek. The behavior of the boyfriend is thus put into question. In most cases, this nonverbal communication raises a series of red flags. Is the kiss friendly? Is the kiss serious? What does the friend think about the kiss and does she know about it? To reexamine this example, nonverbal communication and deception is reviewed. As previously mentioned, deception is defined as an action that misleads by false appearance or state. The kiss example doesn’t carry any context, but it can exploit signs of deceptive behavior. If the boyfriend knew that his girlfriends close friend had feelings toward him and would react a certain way, the intentions behind the kiss would change drastically. Many instances of nonverbal communication carry components of deception without a presence being known.

Nonverbal communication varies from being in-person and away from someone else. When facing someone, it’s much easier to decipher communication through kinesics. After all, body movements require a body to be visible. To examine a different kind of situation between nonverbal communication and deception, we can take a brief look into social media. Texting, Instant Messaging, and commenting can carry numerous factors of deception. A brief example of this would be “Cat fishing” and the culture around it. Individuals deliberately falsify an identity of someone else and deceive others into believing them. In time, the identity is eventually discovered and the communication between both parties is severed. Nonverbal communication is forever growing and takes a lot of time to fully understand. Nonverbal cues give off a certain attitude or vibe that is felt by another person. This can be seen more commonly through methods of kinesics. Indicators like eye contact and hand gestures are a small but frequent factor in how we can communicate and even deceive another person.

Conclusion

Kinesic Deception is taking place every single day. A lot of people continue to do it, and it continues to be done to a lot of people as well. Deception ranges from many nonverbal reactions.

Most reactions consist of body movements used to communicate, also known as kinesics. My research and sources provided much info regarding methods of deception. Although many of my resources highlighted the problems that were met by kinesic deception, there was room for improvement. Many of my studies focused on one aspect of nonverbal communication. Ideally, I would’ve liked my research from Vrij & Mann (2006) to go more in-depth on the reasons as to why deception is more common through nonverbal cues versus verbal cues. I believe that sort of comparison would’ve been a lot more beneficial. Also, I would’ve liked to see Park (2002) explain how nonverbal deceptive methods in kinesics can be identified. Some of the examples are helpful to point out problems, but some results on the solutions could’ve also been included.

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In closing, Kinesic deception is all around us. The nonverbal kinesic applications that we use can prove to be helpful or hurtful in various ways. We are capable of misleading certain individuals through eye contact, hand gestures, posture, and many other body movements. Hand gestures enable Self Adaptors and Illustrators to take place of movements that identify self-needs. Meanwhile, other methods like eye contact evoke deception between liars and truth tellers. Those who are aware of it tend to partake in it more often than not. Others who are not as aware tend to be deceived just as often. A deception is a powerful tool that we all control. The methods in which we use it depend on not only our minds, but our body as well. Even though we carry various tools to control our communication, we still have an innate ability to fall under deceptive ways.

Table of contents

1. Gratitude in Social Relationships
2. The Neurological Foundations of Gratitude
3. Toward a Personal Practice

Happiness is a chief human concern because it provides purpose and meaning to our actions. A chief concern of a sub-discipline within psychology resolves around the conditions and prerequisites for human happiness in general. Similar to the philosopher Aristotle’s notion of virtue as a habit, happiness research attempts to find the strong linkages between personal practices and well-being. A “strong linkage” between a practice and its emotional correlate involves some degree of empirical or statistical connection—not just an armchair theory of happiness. Finding personal practices that promote happiness important to empirical researchers, but it is also to society as a whole. When individual members of a society are happy, the aggregate of happiness will rise. Societal happiness does not rise when a new definition of happiness is derived or a new theory is developed; rather, it rises in response to practices that promote positive affect, some of which exist only at the individual level. The focus of this paper is an individual-level practice aimed at promoting positive emotions based on the concept of gratitude.

The word ‘gratitude’ has its origins in the Latin gratus, meaning “thankful” or “pleasing.” Not surprisingly, the history of the term is connected to spirituality as a form of humility, which is a virtue in monotheistic traditions. To the extent that one is grateful to God, who imparts his divine gifts upon humanity, one is correctly acknowledging the role of God in one’s life. In fact, ancient sources have commented that gratitude is a “parent” virtue (Wood, Joseph, & Linley, 2007). The Scottish moral philosopher Adam Smith likewise considered gratitude in the context of a moral study in his Theory of Moral Sentiments, in which he concludes gratitude is necessary for the proper functioning of society (Smith, 1759). Secular concepts of gratitude extend beyond being grateful to God to being grateful to one’s neighbors, family, and friends. Modern notions of gratitude tend to treat the term more so as an attitude or experience, rather than a trait or virtue as described by moral philosophers. For instance, modern English speakers tend not to describe someone as “a grateful person,” but rather about being grateful as a temporary affective state.

In line with the idea that gratitude is an attitude or cognitive state, happiness research in modern psychology tends to focus on the concept’s relationship to subjective well-being, or happiness. In fact, Wood, Joseph and Linley (2007) claim that gratitude has taken a position of mainstream concern in psychological research concerning the happiness question. Scholars such as University of California, Davis Professor Robert Emmons have studied gratitude’s relationship to happiness. Emmons and McCullough (2003) discovered a robust positive effect of gratitude-outlook on subjective well-being in a controlled experiment, providing strong evidence of a link. In addition, Emmons and Crumpler (2000) conclude that gratitude as a pleasant emotional state fosters more positive moods, and expressions of gratitude help people feel happier than they otherwise would be. Knowing that there is an apparent connection between these two constructs in psychology literature, there is a potential for making the general claim that gratitude is a beneficial personal practice.

However, one might ask how we define gratitude so that scientists can evaluate a possible strong linkage to happiness. Watkins, Woodward, Stone and Kolts (2003) set out to derive a measurable account of gratitude, implying a solid definition of the concept. Once again, the issue of whether gratitude is tied to characteristics of individuals or to individual emotional states is a relevant issue. Watkins et al. (2003) provide definitions for both a feeling (“trait affect” as “a feeling of thankful appreciation for favors received”) and as a characteristic (“trait gratitude” as “the predisposition to experience this state”) (p. 432). Evidently, the definition is parsimonious but also adequately explanatory.

The notion of gratitude as a trait also implies some connection to evolutionary theory, and an explanation of this relationship would paint a more complete picture of gratitude within a population. Nowak and Roch (2007) survey the conceptual difference between gratitude and another concept called “upstream reciprocity,” which is the increased likelihood that a recipient of kindness will help another in turn. Similar to Watkins et al. (2003)’s idea of gratitude as an affective thankful appreciation, Nowak and Roch (2007) place gratitude in the context of the evolution of cooperation and find that positive emotions that enhance helping behavior can actually evolve by natural selection. The predisposition to feel thankful appreciation is more likely to produce happier mood states (Emmons & Crumpler, 2000), thus perhaps improving self-confidence and therefore chances for mating behavior. The framework provided by Watkins et al. (2003) is useful here to the extent that it explains the evolutionary pressures acting upon trait gratitude through its close connection to the trait affect that individuals actually experience after receiving favors from another.

Another advantage of Watkins et al. (2003)’s approach to gratitude is the explicit attempt at a measurable, quantifiable operating definition for the concept. Using their Gratitude, Resentment, and Appreciation Test (GRAT), the authors found a reliable and valid measure of dispositional (or “trait”) gratitude. In addition, the test contains a fair amount of construct validity in its ability to predict grateful feelings at some point in the future. Returning to the notion of “strong linkage” in empirical studies of happiness, it is important to have reliable and valid measures of gratitude in order to determine robust correlative relationships and to demonstrate a working personal practice for enhancing subjective well-being. Built upon a strong scientific foundation, a convincing case in favor of gratitude’s role in well-being can be made on a personal level.

The purpose of this paper is to build that case through a treatment of the science of gratitude as it relates to happiness in positive psychology. Focusing upon the individual and what one person does to enhance his or her subjective well-being as a habit, this paper will involve generalizations to anyone capable of thankful or appreciative affect. With generalizations, it is important to note the connection between successful personal practices and a social level of effect; in other words, gratitude as a personal practice may produce a desirable net effect for groups or populations. In addition to surveying what makes for a successful personal practice for enhancing life-long happiness (in the eudemonistic sense of that word), this review will also incorporate information about what empirically works and what does not. A project of that magnitude will proceed from higher levels of organization (social bonds and friendships) to individual behavior (depression and mental illness) to inside the brain in the neuroscience of gratitude. By addressing subjective well-being at each of these levels in the organizational hierarchy, the personal practice emerges as a common theme. Thus, the challenge is to take that scientific evidence and to translate it into a practical, everyday phenomenon for most people, which is a challenge we take up later in this paper.

Gratitude in Social Relationships

Gratitude, by its very nature, is a social emotion, and much of the previous research into its social effects has focused on the repayment of favors (Algoe, Haidt & Gable, 2008). Recently, however, psychologists have begun to focus their research on the potential effects the feeling of gratitude can have on the formation and maintenance of healthy relationships (relationships in which the members indicate strong positive feelings toward one another). In 2008, Algoe, Haidt, and Gable provided the first empirical evidence linking gratitude as an affective state with the promotion of positive relationships. Critically, their investigation was high in mundane realism – they studied real relationships being formed between new inductees into a number of sororities at University of Virginia and their ‘Big Sisters’ – girls who had already been members of the sorority for one year. This mundane realism is essential if the results of their research are to be applied to personal practices that occur in real life, not in the artificially created laboratory settings typical of gratitude research (Algoe, Haidt & Gable, 2008).

To study the formation of relationships between new and existing sorority members, the researchers took advantage of a previously existing initiative at the University of Virginia known as “Big Sister Week.” During this four-day period, each new inductee (“Little Sister”) is randomly assigned to a Big Sister, whose identity is not revealed until the end of the week. The Big Sisters plan events for their Little Sister throughout the week, as well as buying or making them gifts, in an attempt to make them feel welcome as part of their sorority. Algoe et al. (2008) studied how the gratitude (for the gifts that were given) felt by the Little Sister for their specific Big Sister affected both the Little and Big Sisters’ ratings of their relationship, both immediately following Big Sister Week (when the identity of their Big Sister was revealed to each Little Sister) and one month later.

Over the course of Big Sister Week, each Little Sister was asked to complete a questionnaire each time she received a gift from her Big Sister. The questionnaire was aimed at measuring how much the Little Sister “felt grateful” for the gift, how much she liked the gift, how much she felt the gift had come as a surprise, how thoughtful she thought her Big Sister had been in choosing the specific gift, how much she thought the gift had cost her Big Sister, and how much effort she believed her Big Sister had put into providing her with the gift. These questions were asked in order to determine the potential moderating or mediating effects of other social variables indicated by previous research, such as feelings of indebtedness and the unexpectedness of a reward. This was used to distinguish the feeling of gratitude from potentially confounding social factors.

In addition to the questionnaire about how grateful they were for the gift, each Little Sister was required to answer a second questionnaire following the receipt of each gift. This questionnaire was designed to assess the perceived quality of the relationship each Little Sister felt with her Big Sister, and asked how much she believed her Big Sister “understood” her, as well as how much she liked and felt close to her Big Sister. Relationship quality was measured as the average of the responses to all three questions. The researchers found that feelings of gratitude by the Little Sister were predictive of a positive relationship with her Big Sister (p = 0.000). This first part of the study provides evidence that feeling gratitude can indeed be influential in forming positive new relationships with strangers.

At the end of Big Sister Week, once the identity of their Big Sister had been revealed, Little Sisters were asked to assess their relationship in terms of how pleased and how disappointed they were during their interactions, as well as how connected they felt to her. One month following the end of Big Sister Week, the relationship between each Big and Little Sister pair was again assessed, including questions about whether their Big Sister was one of their close friends, whether they felt supported by their Big Sister, and how much time they had spent in each other’s company during the previous week. Algoe et al. (2008) found that the average gratitude indicated by a Little Sister over the course of Big Sister Week was predictive of the quality of the relationship both at the end of Big Sister Week and one month later, though there was no significant correlation found with how much time had been spent together recently. This provides evidence that gratitude can have longer lasting effects, promoting not only the formation of positive relationships, but also their maintenance.

In addition, Algoe et al. (2008) found that the levels of gratitude expressed by Little Sisters were significantly predictive of the Big Sisters’ rating of the relationship quality. This indicates that it is not only the receipt of gifts for which gratefulness is felt that contributes a strong relationship, but that giving these gifts (engendering a feeling of gratitude in another) also has positive effects. The researchers suggest that gratitude can induce a relationship-building cycle, in which the roles of benefactor and recipient are continually reversed. This suggests that positive relationships can be maintained over time by a creating a cycle in which you provide something which induces gratitude in another person, in return for which they attempt to promote that same feeling in you.

Additional support for the hypothesis that gratitude can promote healthy, positive relationships comes from work by Algoe and Haidt (2009). The authors explained to incoming participants that their study was about the effects of interpersonal communication to avoid demand characteristics. A letter-writing task was used to induce feelings of gratitude in their participants (a control condition was also present, as well as an ‘admiration’ condition, as the researchers consider admiration to be in the same family of emotions as gratitude, and wished to avoid ambiguities or confounding between the two). Participants were asked to write a letter to someone they knew, describing a time when that person had done something for them for which they had felt grateful. A questionnaire was given immediately following the letter-writing task as a manipulation check, making sure that the participants were feeling gratitude towards the person, rather than other similar emotions, such as admiration. Participants were then given “background sheets” describing two people with whom they would have a choice to participate in an Instant Messaging conversation. One person was described as having just transferred to the University and was seeking new social opportunities (this person was labeled the “social person”). The second person was described as someone who performed a lot of community service work in the area (the “prosocial person”). Participants in the task were then asked with which person they would prefer to engage in an online conversation.

The researchers found that participants in the gratitude condition indicated that they wanted to meet others like the person to whom they wrote their letter significantly more than participants in the control condition, as well as a stronger desire to “give back” to others. In keeping with this idea, more participants in the gratitude condition indicated that they would prefer to chat with the prosocial person (rather than the social person) because they viewed them as more similar to the person to whom they had written their letter of gratitude. The researchers posited that while persons feeling gratitude primarily wish to give back to the person toward whom they are feeling grateful for some act/gift, they are also willing to extend the positive, relationship-building feelings towards others who are similar to that person. This indicates that gratitude can be helpful in building positive relationships not only between a benefactor and a recipient, but also between a recipient and others who demonstrate qualities similar to the benefactor – that is, gratitude helps build many positive relationships, even if the gratitude is directed toward only one person. The influence of gratitude on promoting and maintaining positive, healthy relationships is important for long-term happiness, because positive relationships are known to “help us get through difficult times and flourish in good times” (Algoe, Haidt & Gable, 2008 p. 429). Because gratitude helps to start positive relationships, it builds a framework for those positive relationships to help us flourish in the future. Furthermore, because gratitude works to maintain those positive relationships over the long term, it allows for the happiness from them to be long lasting.

Gratitude and Mental Health

Throughout the empirical literature, beneficial effects of gratitude on mental health have been shown at multiple levels. The presence of positive emotions is a widely accepted characteristic of happiness, and gratitude can often be easily as a positive emotion. Furthermore, trait gratitude has been positively correlated with the personality trait resilience – the ability to quickly and effectively recover following adverse experiences (Algoe & Stanton, 2011). Moreover, both trait gratitude and resilience have been shown to be linked to the development of more and better coping mechanisms within individuals, with gratitude perhaps acting as a mediator in this case (Algoe & Stanton, 2011).

Fredrickson, Tugade, Waugh, and Larken (2003) provide a compelling summary of the many and varied beneficial effects of positive emotions, including gratitude. One important benefit of positive emotions is their capacity to reverse the adverse physical effects of negative emotions of the mind and body. The experience of many negative emotions, such as fear, anger and sadness, triggers arousal in the body’s autonomic nervous system that, while helpful in making the body alert, focused, and prepared to deal with danger have undesirable effects such as heightened blood pressure and vasoconstriction. Research has shown that the experience of pleasant emotion is beneficial in returning the body to its baseline more quickly than when neutral or negative emotions are experienced (Fredrickson, Mancuso, Branigan, & Tugade, 2000).

A further notable effect of positive emotions, such as gratitude, stems from their capacity to diminish autonomic nervous system activity. One feature of this activity is that it causes the brain to become more focused on the problem at hand. Because positive emotions reduce this effect, they contribute to a ‘cognitive broadening’ when they are experienced following a negative emotional event. This has been shown to lead to more flexibility, creativity, and efficiency in the brain and many researchers believe that this fosters the development of creative and effective coping mechanisms (Fredrickson et al., 2003). This broadening has also been linked to increased dopamine circulation in the brain, which is known to be associated with positive emotions and rewarding experiences (Immordino-Yang & Sylvan, 2010). Furthermore, it has been posited that the development of better coping mechanisms through the experience of positive emotions helps to develop beneficial, long-lasting personality characteristics, including resilience (Fredrickson et al., 2003). That is to say, the brief experience of positive emotions such as gratitude can contribute to the development of long-lasting traits that contribute to positive emotionality and ability to better handle difficult situations. It follows, therefore, that a personal practice aimed at promoting and cultivating gratitude could have long-lasting effects, even if practice were stopped, because enduring personality characteristics are created or promoted. An interesting further effect of this increased resilience is that resilient persons have been shown to be skilled at fostering positive emotions in people to whom they are close. This, in turn, creates a more positive and supportive social network for the person, which is known to be beneficial in better coping following difficult life experiences (Fredrickson et al., 2003; Kumpfer, 1999). Thus, not only is gratitude help people in choosing to seek out, promote, and maintain positive healthy relationships, as shown by Algoe et al. (2008) and Algoe and Haidt (2009), but it also contributes to increasing positivity in one’s existing social network, rendering it more supportive. Others have also suggested that at an intrinsic level, gratitude provides motivation to show thanks and praise to a benefactor, which is helpful in fostering a positive relationship (Algoe & Haidt, 2009). This suggests that the happiness benefits associated with gratitude will be very long lasting.

In 2011, Algoe and Stanton studied the effects of gratitude in combatting negative affect in a group of women diagnosed with metastatic breast cancer. This form of cancer does not have a high survival rate, and is therefore a prominent and ever-present stressor in the lives of these women. In the first part of the study, the women were asked to write about a time within the last month that someone had done something for them, whether they had had positive or negative feelings about the experience. Afterwards, fourteen emotions were assessed, including gratitude (many emotions were assessed in order to hide the target emotion – gratitude - being studied). Participants also completed a questionnaire assessing their perspective on the event – either closed and avoidant (feeling as though they were unwillingly trapped into a situation in which they would have to return a favor), or open and approaching (willing to accept the kindness from the benefactor). It was found that gratitude was highly negatively correlated with closed, negative perspective (r = -0.73) and highly positively correlated with the open, positive perspective (r = 0.83). While these are correlations, and causality cannot be determined, there is nonetheless an evident connection between the affective state of gratitude and a more positive overall perspective. Adopting an open, approaching perspective is more conducive to happiness than a closed and avoidant personality, especially if this positive perspective is extended to other areas of one’s life, bringing them into a more positive light. Algoe and Stanton (2011) refer to this as the ego-transcendence hypothesis.

In the second part of the study by Algoe and Stanton (2011), the participants were asked think of times in the past month when other people had done things for them. They were then asked to indicate how frequently they experienced the same fourteen emotions in response to the favors. The researchers then used an average of a participant’s responses about feeling thankfulness, gratitude, and appreciation to create their “typical grateful response.” This was used to determine whether a participant typically felt grateful towards persons who had performed favors for them over the last month, or whether they typically showed a different emotional response. The participants’ perceived level of support from their social network was also recorded in response to each favor. In the overall sample, a typically grateful response was not significantly correlated with perceived social support; however, researchers performed additional statistical analyses in order to determine whether the correlation between gratitude and perceived social support could be mediated by any particular personality characteristics. They found that for women who were not ambivalent about expressing their emotions, gratitude was positively correlated with their perceived level of social support. Therefore, for some, though not all, persons, trait gratitude can contribute to feeling as though you have a supportive social network. This is highly beneficial when coping with negative affect, and helps aid and hasten recovery following traumatic events (Kumpfer, 1999). Thus, gratitude is not only beneficial through the many routes by which positive emotions improve happiness and mental health, but is also helpful in the opposite side of the issue – combatting and reducing negative affect. Long-term happiness requires not only a high level of positive affect, but also low levels or infrequent experiencing of negative emotions – gratitude fosters both these effects.

The Neurological Foundations of Gratitude

Gratitude is a complex human emotion that requires many different psychological processes to recognize an event requiring gratitude and in producing the feeling of gratitude. The production of gratitude requires first for one to recognize the receipt of an unwarranted service or gift from another. Following recognition of the gift, benefits of receiving must be weighed against the costs of what the gift entails. Costs possibly associated with these gifts may include the necessity to reciprocate with altruistic actions to individuals whom gifts were received from previously. Anticipation of reciprocity is one of the predicted driving forces of human gratitude, and has been shown to be advantageous in animals such as vampire bats who share blood meals with starving roost-mates even when unrelated (Williams, 1984). Following acceptance of a gift, the recipient must experience positive emotions that convert to a feeling of gratitude. Finally, the recipient must encode memories about the gift, and the gratitude felt towards the giver in order for gratitude to have any lasting effect on human emotion. These processes must stem from distinct brain structures that work in unison to form the abstract social value of gratitude.

Recent research has pointed to the possibility of areas of neocortex regulating and interpreting information from the limbic system in studies of the neuroscience of social constructs and values (Zahn et al., 2009). Studies utilizing functional magnetic resonance imaging have found that when contemplating the relatedness of social concepts, such as honorable and brave, mores activation is shown in the superior anterior temporal lobe of the cortex than when compared to a control using physical functions, such as nutritious and useful (Zahn et al., 2007). The superior anterior temporal lobe must play a role in social interaction by providing abstract knowledge of social behavior. Other areas in this study were found to be activated as well including, the orbitofrontal, medial prefrontal cortex, and temporoparietal junction. It was also discovered that he activation of the superior anterior temporal lobe was independent of the valence of the social construct. It made no difference whether the construct had a negative or positive connotation; the area was activated due to the necessity to process the abstract ideas about social values.

Along with cortical structures, much older limbic structures also play an important role in producing gratitude (Immordino-Yang & Sylvan, 2010). The mesolimbic dopamine system plays an enormous role in producing positive affect and encoding reward values. It is possible that the positive affect cause by receiving a gift could be encoded by dopamine neurons much in the same way as Tobler, Fiorillo, and Schultz reported in 2005. Their study examined adaptive properties in spike frequency and coding of dopamine neurons in response to predicted and unpredicted rewarding stimuli. A situation that creates gratitude could be one where w gift or service is given to the recipient and this information if processed in the same way in the limbic system. Adaptive firing rates of dopamine releasing neurons in rewarding structures of the brain could be what are causing the positive, rewarding, emotions that elicit gratitude.

The memory of an event that caused gratitude needs to be recorded and be available for access if it is to have any lasting effect on an organism. Studies show that contemplation on times of gratitude increase activation in the basal forebrain, a structure critical for memory (Zahn et al., 2009.) The basal forebrain is directly connected to the hippocampus by a tract of chologenergic projections. When gray matter of the basal forebrain was atrophied, cognitive functions, such as recalling memories, were impaired. This displays how memory formation is related to forming feelings of gratitude and implies implications for the storage and retrieval of memories of times when gratitude was expressed.

Many studies on neuronal pathways of gratitude have been performed on patients with brain lesions caused by severe head trauma or neurological disease. While not experimental, and therefore unable to say definitively the cause of any findings, these types of studies can shed light on what structures to look at more closely. Richard Emmons (2007) performed a study on patients with severe prefrontal dysfunction. These patients had Parkinson's Disorder, and when compared to healthy individuals on recalling an event where they felt gratitude, they experienced no improvement in mood. The healthy control group did show a significant increase in affect following gratitude recall. Patients displaying frontotemporal dementia show a distinct lack of prosocial sentiments, such as guild, pity, gratitude. The lack of prosocial sentiments was linked to the frontopolar cortex and the septal area using fMRI while applying a moral sentiment test, indicating damage to either one of these regions may be the cause of the blunted social conscious (Moll et al., 2011). What is most interesting about these findings is that both the cortex and limbic system play a role. The development over evolutionary time of the human cortex is what sets humans apart from other species in both intelligence and many prosocial sentiments. The limbic system evolved much earlier than the cortex but it appears that both must play a role together to mediate the abstract social construct. A plausible explanation may entail the limbic system being the source of raw emotion while the cortical structures mediate and choose the proper response based on external stimuli, including perceived social expectations (Mercadillo, Luis Diaz, and Barrios, 2007).

Toward a Personal Practice

As the evidence demonstrates, there is a clear link between subjective well-being, or happiness, and the construct of gratitude. In terms of support, we have discussed definitions of gratitude, the role of gratitude in the formation of healthy friendships, the role that gratitude can play in combating depression, and finally, the neuroscience of gratitude at the most basic level of cognition. Having surveyed the evidence for the link, there still remains the practical problem of clarifying gratitude’s “staying power” (the capability to increase personal happiness over an extended period). In other words, if gratitude can enhance subjective well-being over time, then it may make for a legitimate personal practice that we can recommend and stand behind as a proven method of making individuals happy. In addition, it is hollow merely saying that gratitude is empirically linked to subjective well-being and that gratitude has staying power. The challenge emerges when one tries to lay out how the virtue of gratitude might work in practice.

Bono, Emmons and McCullough (2004) note intervention strategies to increase gratitude in individual research participants and their awareness of the good elements in their lives as prerequisites for well-being. Citing a study by Emmons and McCullough (2003), which examined the effect of making participants briefly list in writing five things they were grateful for in the previous week for 10 weeks, the researchers discovered that individuals who were grateful (as opposed to those who wrote about annoyances or affective events) felt better about their lives on average. Compared to controls, higher ratings of subjective well-being from the grateful participants were accompanied by fewer health complaints, higher levels of exercise over the study period, and higher levels of optimism.

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Every decision, every breath one takes, and every step one ever walks brings one closer to a single goal --- to find the meaning of life. The summation of one’s decisions, steps, and movements through life shapes one’s individual existence and leads to proliferation of the damning idea of finding that sense of meaning. For many, this pursuit is never realized, and to others, the entire idea of successfully finding the meaning of the deep, dark mystery of life might be impossible. Despite this skepticism, many search for meaning in daily events, attempting to find the overall meaning of life. In Six Characters in Search of an Author, actors attempt to run through a Pirandello production, but the value comes from the lessons they learn. The actors and characters in Six Characters in Search of an Author display a yearning to find the meaning of life, but descend into a darkened existentialist state when faced with the crushing realization of the world around them, as Pirandello tries to point readers down a different path in life.

Throughout the play, those in it try and find meaning from their daily actions to shed deeper light on the greater meaning of life. If they thought that their daily actions were to be meaningless, they would surely descend into a darkened mental state, so it is crucial for them to attempt to acquire knowledge of life from their mundane and minute actions of the day. Firstly, consider the director. His job is to orchestrate the play, to ensure its success, and that all the actors fulfill their roles adequately. It is in his management of the actors that he gets a sense of meaning, not only in his job, but in life as a whole. In that regard, he enjoys doing his line of work, and relishes the satisfaction he gets from what he does. He continuously meddles in the performance of the actors, because to him, that meddling is what gives him power, and thus, a sense of meaning. The actors, in general, try to make some sense out the play they are putting on, and give themselves some meaning. To accurately portray the characters of the play, it is necessary for the actors to understand these characters themselves. Therefore, they struggle, but persist to try and find their own meaning in the words they speak and the actions they undertake in the play. As the father says on page 12, “You have created living beings --- more alive than those who breathe and wear clothes! Less real, but perhaps more true” (Pirandello 12).

Next, this search to find meaning from daily life can be seen in the actions of the father, step-daughter, mother and son as well. The father is perhaps the best example of this search for knowledge of life having meaning. He is pretty unsure over what to make of life, as seen through when he sent his wife and daughter away (17). Especially after his run-in with his step-daughter at Madame Pace’s shop, his life is continuously tossed around and upside-down. The father offers up deeper, more philosophical takes on what the play itself is about, or what the actions of the actors and the characters mean. His consistent philosophical anecdotes indicate a desire to find deeper knowledge (28). The step-daughter too seeks this knowledge. Exploited but vivacious, the step-daughter is perhaps the character that seems the most confused about where they are in life and where they are going. In the actor troupe, she tends to stir the pot and cause others to question why things happen, in accordance with her own questioning. The mother is constantly in grief, searching for a solution to cure her dismal existence. It is clear that she is not content with life, and goes through the motions day-in and day-out, yearning for the day that she might find true meaning that will free her from her despair and sadness that she carries with her on a daily basis. She seems to be constantly tortured by something as simple as her past and her existence, and her grief can really be pinpointed when the step-daughter and the father share their experience in Madame Pace’s shop (16). Just like the mother, the son is unhappy, specifically with his role in the play. He yearns for more, for a deeper existence, as he tends to have a rather facile role within the play. As he yearns for more, he yearns for a purpose for to his acting, even if he does not actively have it.

Lastly, when the characters inevitably fail to acquire they knowledge they search for, their lives spiral down an existentialist path to a deeper, darker trance, offering a cautionary tale. The director is clearly a part of this descent. As the set turns into chaos, the director’s own sanity seems to descend as well. He continually berates members of the cast for not meeting his expectations, and generally loses control of his own emotions. His own purpose in directing the play, and the authority he has over the actors is put into question. Without this, he freaks out, eventually ending the production in a fit of rage. In general, the actors begin to go wild at the end of play. They run around in a sense of mayhem, challenging nearly everything the director says, with their own performances offering no consolation. The father specifically begins to sink deeper and deeper in an existentialist state, feeling the meaningless nature of life and feeling like a pawn in a chess game. He continues to ponder the philosophical nature of things, questioning the meaning of life. He begins to even take on a rather nihilistic view, openly disparaging aspects of the world around him (62). The step-daughter escalates her theatrics to obscene levels. She hands on the end of every word, threatening to break into tears or create drama at the drop of a feather. The performance overcomes her, and given that she has not found anything of value from the play, she demands attention to keep her relevance (68). The mother, too, creates a scene. After the dramatic events at the end of the play, she continues on her dismal way, crying consistently. She questions the meaning of life, in light of the recent events, and her negative view on life is evident. Lastly, the son freaks out about his lines (or lack thereof) and how he is representing the author’s interests. He cares about this to a considerable degree, almost to the point of violence. His descent into anger from his existentialist sate is fueled by the lack of concrete intention by the author. In assigning his own meaning to the play, he places his own value in it, to become emotionally connected.

Six Characters in Search of an Author displays a cautionary tale. Pirandello demonstrates the search for meaning in life, demonstrated by the characters, especially in the way of the father and the step-daughter. The characters try and find meaning from their performances in the play, but they do not find what they seek. Pirandello offers a cautionary tale, as the characters fall into states of contemplating life with dark, grim views. The play warns readers not to fall into the same traps as the characters, and shows that failing to find the knowledge that is sought after will lead to a dismal, sad existence. Overall, the play shows a descent into a darkened existentialist state.

The Lorax, a book by Dr. Seuss that resembles a Hippie nightmare, is a work of art in threading together a global disaster with a fun, cheery children's book. As a viewer of the film and book, I find that both works show the dangers of unfettered Capitalism on society, not less the world, either. Both the treadmill of consumption and the Netherlands' paradox shine as dazzling examples of the neo-hippie save-the-world vibe manifesting itself as the Lorax, the creature and the moral. The Lorax himself serves as a jester of sorts, a sad victim in the fight against consumption. He, like many others around our very world, fights back against the plow of economic progress only to fall like so many others. His downfall begins wihen amighty hammer of consumption pounds away, gripped tightly in the fist of a man and group of elites who benefit from the issues arising from unregulated capitalism. The business of destruction, have you, engendering the need to pollute in order to live. Look behind the curtains-we see the culprit responsible for the disaster. As taboo as this is even in 2016, society is to blame for the environment's destruction here, a mirror to our very own worldly problems.

The film paints a picture of a barren landscape virtually devoid of all life. We see the cemeteries of felled trees and the ruthless forward march of innovation. We see the world bleed and the skies fill with roaring plumes of blackened smoke. And for what? Products, essentially useless, are invented that captivate the minds of the collective society, the denizens of an era at the threshold of capitalistic intentions. It is these products that are made that spur the innovation of tools that can shred more effectively, create more efficiently. These same products and tools reminisce of the rusted smoke stacks of Detroit and the innovations hat occurred there. As the need for resources grew, the man and many others like him over harvested the forests and sucked dry the resources that once rested on their planet. The more they wanted, the more they took. The treadmill isn't one to take kindly to slower strides, so it moved only one way: faster. Before they knew it, the people existed behind great walls in a zoo of plastic lies. Their push for innovation led them into a corner where the only survival strategy was more and more pollution and more consumption. The air became so toxic that they needed to buy bottled, purified air. And yet they didn't stop. The treadmill would not allow for stopping. The urge to consume grew and with it the strain on an environment that once provided everything they needed. Now, plastic and waste superseded the offerings of nature. Pollution became necessary to survive with the environment dried to a shriveled husk. The treadmill moved so fast perhaps they never looked away from the material treat dangling from a bare string in front of their faces. Maybe they did not even care. Either possibility is equally as frightening.

Behind the great metal walls they lived, surrounded by a bubble. This dome concealed the horrors moaning just beyond. They lived like trapped rodents, shivering adrift driftwood in an endless ocean. Their bubble contained all the life left for them in the planet. They had taken the rest. They had taken plenty. Yet from their isolated world, the people were happy. Yes, they purchased “fresh air” in bottles, but their lives were certainly better than the nomadic lifeforms wandering the wasteland outside. Such savages, they were, living in the barren wastes. They couldn't bask in the beauty of the plastic forests of the most precious city on Earth. They had everything, beautiful, perfect scenery, any car of their choosing, the freedom to buy-and waste-anything they could afford. In fact, life in the bubble was as perfect as it came. Of course, the cheeriness ends when the citizens find themselves staring down a barrel of blame on a loaded gun. After all, they did this to the planet. Their journey to perfection could never end. Much like the search for the philosopher's stone, the goal roared ahead in an unreachable mirage. While they chased the dragon they drained their earth of resources and life. Then, with only their city left to hold them, most believed their lives were perfect and it was the rest of the world that was dangerous. Akin to today when we glance upon Africa with sneers of disgust and cries of “primitive peoples”. The Thneeds enacted a same retaliatory practice to their outside world and the defectors who dared question the virtual cage binding them like a sore to the ground. Only in the end, the blame for the destruction of the world is only attributable to the people swept up in their search for material happiness in the entrails of nature.

The end of the novel of the Lorax breaks the barriers of the Netherlands' paradox and the treadmill of consumption. The reader finds a message of hope in the book's ending paragraph. “Grow a forest. Protect it from axes that hack. Then the Lorax, and all of his friends, may come back (Seuss, 1971). An eye-opener, a revelation of all sorts. Is it finally the time for the mechanisms of capitalism to break? It seems we have an awakening of people seeking to reverse the human damages on the planet, starting with the restoration of the trees that in ages past swamped the landscape in their numbers. Unlike in our readings this change is almost a lighting bolt quick. One major event shakes up sentiments of regret, of ownership and responsibility. We have capitalism overturned in a collective mob of concerned citizens, a scene that happily portrays the wealthy leaders benefiting from ecocide taken down by a populace bent on penance for their sins. If they truly wish to make a difference, curbing their capitalistic desires comes first and foremost. Until that time, their wishes and wants will continue to coincide with the fashions and trends of society, following in foot how the whole downward spiral began. Changing attitudes at the end of the film seemed to reference this transition. It begs a comparison to a transition to an advanced, post-industrial nation. As is common with this transition, the outlook of greener practices emerge from the crowd's demands that the seed be sown. The wealthy resist, as is obvious, because the capitalist is the one benefiting from all the destruction. His products feed on the misery present in a destroyed ecosystem namely due to his products necessitating an environment harsh and dangerous to humans. In their final rejection, faith in environmental stewardship soars back, along with it the prospect of environmentalism and sustainability once again.

Acceleration experimented with the velocity and time of a falling object to produce a reasonable calculation for the acceleration due to gravity of Earth. The experiment was divided into parts, each with a specific procedure to determine the acceleration due to gravity. Both parts, however, required a basic photogate, an instrument that maintained a constant light beam between two sides. The purpose of this instrument is to electronically measure the velocity and time it takes for a falling object, in this case a ruler with striped tape bands, to fall a certain distance. The falling object, a clear ruler with masking tape wrapped a regular interval (d). The tape marks at regular interval (d) are used to plot points for a distance vs time, velocity vs time, and acceleration vs time graphs electronically drawn by a computer program, Exp2_xva_t. Errors in calculation were considered.

Measuring the length of one interval on the ruler (d): One interval measure (d) on the ruler is determined by the distance from the beginning of one segment of clear ruler to the end of the proceeding segment of masking tape. However, there are more than a singular quantity of these intervals and thus it would be inefficient (a large error) to simply record the measure of one interval to represent the population of intervals. As a result, the total amount of intervals (N) was measured and the total distance (D) with given absolute error of (± 0.1 cm) spanned by N intervals was measured as well. To calculate interval measure (d), the total distance (D) was divided by the total amount of intervals (N) to produce an average measure for the interval measure to represent d. The error of this average interval measure was calculated by dividing the error of the total distance (± 0.1 cm) by the total amount of intervals (N).

Part 1 – Calculating g through slope analysis of Velocity vs Time Graph: To calculate the slope of a velocity versus time graph, the velocity and time of a free-falling object must first be measured and the points plotted on a graph. The free-falling object used is the clear ruler with masking tape covering regular intervals described in the paragraph above. The instrument used to record the velocity and time was a photogate. As described in the introduction, it is an instrument that has a constant light beam that is shot from one end to another end on the photogate. Light is allowed to passed through during the clear parts of the ruler but the beam will be severed once in contact with the masking tape, thus allowing accurate and precise measurement of velocity and time. All data measured by the photogate is then displayed on a computer through a program called Exp2_xva_t. To begin measurements, the program Exp2_xva_t was set up and the photogate was powered on and positioned accordingly. The ruler with the masking tape intervals was held vertically right above the light beam of the photogate. Once prompted by a partner to drop the ruler, the ruler was released with no acting force on it to simulate free-fall. The data observed by the photogate was verified to see if the acceleration vs time graph produced by the computer program was relatively constant. If the acceleration vs time graph was relatively constant, then the data observed was recorded. This method was repeated 5 consecutive times and the data for each was recorded. The error in the velocity was calculated and a velocity versus time graph was constructed with error in mind. The slope of the linear function was computed and the error of the linear function was shown. All findings were recorded.

Part 2 – Calculating g through slope analysis of Velocity vs Time graph computed by Exp2_xva_t: In order to calculate the slope this time, the same procedure is performed up to the point of recording data. The ruler and photogate are dropped and positioned the same way respectively. The one difference is that this part no longer requires the recording of variables time and velocity. Instead, the slope of the velocity vs time graph analyzed by the computer programs is used. So there will be a recording of g (acceleration due to gravity) for every trial. The error of the velocity is then computed from the 5 recordings of g from this part of the experiment.

Data Analysis:

DD = Given by TA, Yue Wang

= ± 0.1 cm

Dd = DD / N

= ± 0.1 cm / 8

= ± 0.0125 cm

Dv = Dd / (tX – tX-1)g1

Ex: Dv for measurement #3

= (± 0.0125 cm ) / (3.596s – 3.570s)

= ± 0.481 cm/s^2

Dg (part 2) =

=

= 0.061 m/s^2

In conclusion, although the experiment demonstrated that measuring the velocity and time individually to calculate the acceleration due to gravity had an error that included the actual magnitude of g (9.81 m/s2) was a better procedure to determine g. In reality, the second part procedure is actually a better measurement of the magnitude. The reason being that the second part procedure propagated less errors in its calculation. The only error propagated in the second procedure was the error in interval length (Dd). Meanwhile for the first procedure there were two errors that were propagated to calculated g; the error in velocity (Dv) and likewise the error in interval length (Dd). This increase in error propagation can be seen in the magnitude of the error for gravity (Dg) for both parts 1 and 2. The magnitude of Dg in part 1 was calculated to be 0.06645 m/s2 which is larger than that of the Dg calculated in part 2; 0.061 m/s2.

Table of contents

1. Objective
2. Introduction
3. Method
4. Discussion
5. Conclusion

Objective

• 1. To show how the time of vertical oscillation depends on the load
• 2. To determine the spring constant
• 3. To determine the effective mass of the spring

Introduction

Let the force constant of the spring, i.e. the force to produce unit extension, be k. Consider the spring in equilibrium under a load m. If, now, the spring is pulled down a further down a further distance x, the extra restoring force called into play is, by Hooke's Law, equal to kx. When the spring is released, the equation of motion is therefore

kx= -mx

Where x represent the acceleration towards the equilibrium position

?= -

Hence the motion is simple harmonic and the periodic time T is

pp

Thus, the graph of T2 against the straight line.

At first sight it would appear that this straight line ought to go through the origin, whereas the actual line obtained in the experiment does not. This is because the effective mass (mo) of the spring has been neglected and the above equation ought to be written

Spiral spring, stands and clamps, slotted masses and hanger, stop watch.

Method

• 1. The spring is suspended from a firm support and is loaded, by means of slotted masses is attached to the free lower end, until it is possible to measure the time taken by the suspended load to execute 20 complete vertical oscillations.
• 2. The timing for two times is repeated to get the mean time of the oscillations.
• 3. The load of 50g is increased and repeated for 20 oscillations.
• 4. Continue until the times for five different loads have been taken.
• 5. The reading is recorded and the result is tabulated into the table below.

Plot a graph with values of T²/s² as ordinates against the corresponding values of m/kg

Slope from which l may be calculated

Since when T=0, the magnitude of m0 is equal to be the negative intercept OC on the load axis of the graph

Discussion

The definition of spring constant is characteristic of a spring which is defined as the ratio of the force affecting the spring to the displacement caused by it. The value of spring constant that we can get from the calculation above is, k=24. The definition of effective mass is a quantity that is used to simplify band structures by constructing an analogy to the behaviour of a free particle with that mass. The value of effective mass can be determined from plotting graph where x-intercept is equal to the value of effective mass. The value of effective mass of the spring that we get from the graph is kg.

Conclusion

The value of spring constant, k=24. The value of effective mass of the spring, kg.

Table of contents

1. Abstract
2. Introduction
3. Experimental Method
4. Discussion

Abstract

To determine the surface tension of water with different concentrations of sodium chloride, capillary rise was examined. This was done by examining the height a liquid rose in a capillary depending on the concentration. The liquid was but in an apparatus containing the capillary, and the system was disrupted and the let sit to return to equilibrium. The heights at equilibrium for each sampe was taken at each concentration (water, 1M NaCl, 2M NaCl, 3M NaCl, 4M NaCl).

Introduction

Surface tension is defined by the work needed to expand the surface by a unit area, and is a measure of free energy within the system. This difference in surface tension between five solutions, was determined by the difference in the rise of the solution in a capillary tube in comparison to one another. The equation used to determine surface tension from this capillary rise is defined as

?_1=1/2 (h+ r/3)r?g

Where ?_1 is the surface tension

h is the height recorded

r is the radius of the capillary tube used

? is the density of the liquid

g is gravitational acceleration

With this information the surface tension can be found for different concentrations, along with the general trend of surface tension versus the concentration of ions in a solution.

Experimental Method

A dried capillary tube is placed into an apparatus containing a 250mL test tube capped with a rubber stopper. There is two holes in the stopper, one for the capillary and another for an adapter as a means to disrupt the system. The five solutions are placed in the tube for different trials, where the capillary height would be measured. After the liquid is placed in the container the system is disrupted using a particular plunger to suck up the liquid and then releasing to have the liquid return to equilibrium. After this is done the readings are taken. Five trials is done for each of the samples of different concentration.

Discussion

Overall the results for the surface tension calculated from the capillary height were inconsistent with a high standard deviation. The mean values of the height of the tube at different concentrations were used to create a graph following the change of NaCl concentration to the change in surface tension. As an overall trend, the surface tension was show to increase with the increase of ions present and gave the equation y = 2850.9x + 69.812 (graph 2), where the slope is positive 2850.9 suggesting this increase. Another factor influencing the increased surface tension was due to the density increasing while the concentration was raised.

For the height recorded in the capillary at each different concentration (Table 1), the mean calculated values are as follows, DI Water (control): 3.6 ± 0.2 cm, 1M NaCl: 3.5 ± 0.4 cm, 2M NaCl: 3.0 ± 0.2 cm, 3M NaCl: 3.6 ±0.7 cm, 4M NaCl: 3.3 ±0.2 cm. This data suggests a lower in capillary height due to the increased NaCl concentration

For the calculated surface tension the average and standard deviation (Table 2) for each concentration (Mol/ cm

3) were as follows: 0.000 Mol/ cm

3: 71.99 ± 5.34 dyn/cm, 0.001 Mol/ cm

3: 73.91 ± 10.54 dyn/cm, 0.002 Mol/ cm

3: 66.03 ± 5.05 dyn/cm, 0.003 Mol/ cm

3: 84.87 ± 17.72 dyn/cm, 0.004 Mol/ cm

3: 80.77 ± 5.74 dyn/cm. the general slope when these points were plotted against concentration was 2850.9. this value was then used to calculate the layer thickness, which was calculated to be 1.15cm.

Table of contents

1. Introduction
2. "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun": analysis
3. Bibliography

Introduction

In his January 6, 1865 letter to fellow writer and self-confessed radical William O'Connor, Walt Whitman states in no uncertain terms that his poetry collection Drum Taps "delivers my ambition. . . to express. . . the pending action of this time and land we swim in, with all (its) despair. . . the unprecedented anguish of the suffering, the beautiful young men, in wholesale death and agony." But in contrast to this view, Whitman also declares Drum Taps to be a collection which reverberates with "the blast of the trumpet and the undertones of. . . comradeship and human love, with the clear notes of faith and triumph" (Bradley 765).

In his poem "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun," first published in Drum Taps in May of 1865, Whitman describes his emotional attachment to the Civil War through his own experiences in New York City where the war efforts of the North were being examined and discussed by virtually every citizen. In his landmark work American Renaissance, F.O. Matthiessen notes that Whitman's "deepened perception of the meaning of suffering" brought on by his "resolution to become a volunteer nurse during the Civil War" resulted in the creation of Drum Taps. While living in Manhattan, Whitman heard "the sound of the trumpets and drums" (line 30), "the rustle and clang of muskets" (line 39) and witnessed "the soldiers in companies or regiments" (line 31) and "the dense brigade. . . with high piled military wagons" (lines 34-35), all examples of the on-going struggle between the Union and the Confederacy over state's rights and slavery.

This poem, however, is not totally concerned with the war, as in Whitman's anthem "Beat! Beat! Drums!" in which he explores his dedication to the military principles of the North. In "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun," Whitman offers two conflicting points of view, the first being a calm, peaceful co-existence with nature which can only be achieved via a complete indifference to the war, and secondly, a turbulent, war-mongering attitude replete with flag-waving, cheering crowds, marching soldiers and shows of military pomp and circumstance in the streets of Manhattan.

Whitman's use of declamation or rhetorical speech, as in "Song of Myself," is also highly represented in "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun," for he interprets and defends his ideals of nature with commands like "Give me a field" (line 3), "Give me an arbor" (line 4), "Give me fresh corn" (line 5) and "Give me nights perfectly quiet" (line 6). In contrast, he demonstrates his ambivalence with lines like "Keep your woods O Nature", "Keep your fields of clover" and "Keep the blossoming buckwheat fields", all in relation to his yearning to join the celebrations in the streets of Manhattan due to his love for city life.

"Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun": analysis

In the first stanza of "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun," Whitman presents a portrait of nature separate from "the noise of the world" (line 12), a metaphor indicative of the urban dissonance of the city, a product of the Industrial Revolution. The "splendid silent sun" symbolizes the source of all life on earth, with "splendid" denoting the changes in the seasons which bring forth ripe fruits, fields of wheat, arbors and fresh vegetables, while "silent" points to the sun's indifference to the societies of man. Whitman's primal connection with nature is shown in such phrases as "Give me odorous at sunrise a garden of beautiful flowers" (line 8), "Give me a perfect child" (line 12) and "Give me solitude, give me Nature" (line 11).

Whitman's poetic vision in "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun" also revolves around music which appropriately must be conveyed in all poetry in order to maintain a sense of balance, tone and rhythmic structure. "Give me to warble spontaneous songs recluse by myself, for my ears only" (lines 8-9) shows that Whitman is a musical being dependent on the music of nature and existence. His "spontaneous songs," a reflection of his need to improvise, demonstrates his personal harmony with nature via a chord tuned to his spiritual self, a contrapuntal fugue in tune with nature's "primal sanities!" (line 12).

At the conclusion of this stanza, Whitman reverses himself with "still I adhere to my city/Day upon day and year upon year" (lines 16-17) which reinforces his love for the city in contrast to his longing for nature. The "splendid silent sun" is then replaced with images of the city in the second stanza - "Give me faces and streets" (line 27), "Give me women - give me comrades and lovers by the thousand!" (line 28) and "Give me Broadway" (line 29). This serves as a second means for Whitman to describe his delight with music through the vocalizations of the people in the streets and the shows on Broadway with their bawdy renditions of dancing and singing - the heartbeat of Manhattan that Whitman so adores.

Towards the conclusion of the second stanza, the music continues with the rhythms of "soldiers marching" (line 29), the blaring of trumpets and the banging of drums which shows Whitman's adoration for military processions. This musical extravaganza terminates with "People. . . with strong voices" (line 36), "Manhattan streets with their powerful throbs" (line 37) and "The endless and noisy chorus. . . the turbulent musical chorus" (line 39) of the boisterous crowds of New York City, shouting and singing the joys of their forthcoming victory over the Confederacy.

The final line of "Give Me the Splendid Silent Sun" presents Whitman's ultimate decision--he wishes to be given "Manhattan faces and eyes forever." Despite his love for nature and the peacefulness that it represents, Whitman's mood remains unalterable, due to the fever pitch created by the Civil War in the boroughs and neighborhoods of New York City, for he has accepted, without reserve, the chaotic, turbulent society inherent in the city.

Bibliography

1. Bradley, Scully & Harold W. Blodgett, Eds. "Whitman on His Art: Comments, 1855-1892." Leaves of Grass. NY: W.W. Norton, 1973.
2. Matthiessen, F.O. American Renaissance: Art and Expression in the Age of Emerson and Whitman. NY: Oxford UP, 1979.